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CP/inf. 6315/11 23 September 2011

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CP/INF. 6315/11

23 September 2011




Delivery to the Special Meeting of the Permanent Council
of the Organization of American States, held on September 13, 2011




Muchísimas gracias, señor Presidente.
Excelencias, señoras y señores, distinguidos invitados, chers amis, dear friends, queridos amigos.
Al tomar el micrófono siento una profunda emoción. Me siento impulsada por una llamada urgente, una clara conciencia de los objetivos y de la urgencia por la situación en Haití, país en el que nací. Es para mí un honor estar aquí y les doy las gracias.
En esta clara conciencia de los objetivos y de la urgencia, lo que quiero personalmente compartir con ustedes y con la Organización de los Estados Americanos en su conjunto. Hoy quiero mencionar el valor necesario para permanecer unidos, incluso si las cosas se ponen difíciles, sobre todo cuando se ponen difíciles. Contra todas las previsiones, cuando los titulares destilan desesperanza, sobre todo cuando los titulares destilan desesperanza.
Today, let me lend my voice to one hope—the hope that we can rally around one simple goal: that in the name of our shared experience as a continent, the Americas, that in the name of our shared lives together, steeped in resilient solidarity, resounding through the Hemisphere, the Organization of American States remains steadfast in its commitment to stand with Haiti.
You know, in my five years as Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief of Canada, everywhere I travelled across the Americas––indeed, the world––people would come to me and talk about Haiti. To this day, everywhere I go, women and men, ordinary citizens and dignitaries, come and share the same concern and affection for the land of Haiti, and everywhere I go, Haiti is on the agenda. Everywhere I go, I meet people who care about Haiti and its people.
I’m just back from another trip in le République d’Haïti. This most recent trip was one of incredible intensity. As I moved across the land, across many regions, I shared what I could with a multitude of people. I met with women and men, youth of unbelievable courage and commitment, from the toughest areas of Port-au-Prince to the most isolated and downtrodden rural communities. And I have this to say, my friends: in every urban quarter, even in the smallest of communes, the whole country looks like a vast work camp, and all over, I have seen hope and life seek to overcome sheer destitution and hardship.
Allow me to tell you a story. It is a tale of resilience, but it is not the one we have grown so accustomed to hearing. First, let me try and do away with that tired old line on the resilience of the Haitian people. You see, the whole world feels sorry for the curse that seems to unrelentingly befall the Haitian people, whose life and survival has always been ruled by hope; hope, even as it barely hangs by a thread, hope, even as that thread starts to fray holding in a most tenuous way. We keep hearing everywhere how much the Haitian people are a resilient people.
Allow me to say, as I have elsewhere, that if I agreed to get involved with UNESCO to campaign tirelessly in support of Haiti, it is, in part, because I can no longer bear to hear of the so-called resilience of the Haitian people. It sounds as if these people were put on earth only to recover from one calamity, one tragedy, and one ordeal, to the next. Let me reiterate, resilience is but the last resort before death. Suffering is not resilience. Survival is not resilience. Being called resilient does not make one the least bit more comfortable with disaster and deprivation.
So let me tell you a story about another kind of resilience, a resilience that is a choice and real ability.
Recordamos como ejemplo de resistencia a nuestra historia común, a nuestra experiencia en común por toda América y en el Caribe. En todo el mundo y sobre todo en Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Perú y Panamá, países cuya independencia él ayudo a hacer posible, el nombre de Simón Bolívar es sinónimo de liberación. Menos conocido es el hecho de que Simón Bolívar, quien en una ocasión decía ser un hombre lleno de dificultades, en la carta a Francisco de Paula Santander, no siempre fue el héroe victorioso que todos recordamos y celebramos. Como muchos de nosotros, el visionario líder fracasó en diversas ocasiones antes de alcanzar sus más importantes logros.
Una de las cualidades de Bolívar es que intentaba entender no solo sus éxitos, sino también sus fracasos. En diciembre de 1815, tras una serie de semi éxitos y de derrotas en el Continente, Simón Bolívar se retiró a la recién independiente Haití que pretendía utilizar como base. Y Haití era en ese momento, como ustedes saben, un lugar muy especial. Tan solo 11 años antes, Haití acababa de convertirse en la primera República del mundo gobernada por negros. Tendemos a olvidar hasta qué punto fue trascendente dicho cambio.
En su momento, la colonia más rica del mundo Saint-Domingue, como los franceses bautizaron a Haití, se convirtió en el escenario de una revolución en la cual, por primera vez en la historia, los esclavos de las plantaciones se alzaron para proclamar los valores universales de libertad, igualdad y fraternidad. Vencieron, reivindicando la tierra y sus anteriores propietarios, guiados por el mismo lema, los mismos valores, los mismos valores que habían inspirado a sus colegas europeos.
Thus, the Haitian Revolution was not only a triumph for the African diaspora; the Haitian Revolution was a victory for the Americas––indeed, for humankind as a whole. Remember, the Haitian economy was based on the slave trade. Imagine the shockwave these slaves, breaking themselves free from bondage, sent around the world! Just imagine: global superpowers, whose very economies depended on slavery, feared that their slaves would emulate the Haitians. As a result, France and the United States conspired to pursue a policy of underdevelopment in its dealings with the young Republic. That is why Haiti was forced to pay millions in reparations to French slave owners who had been forced off of their plantations.
The Caribbean nation also became the first country to ever face an international embargo imposed by European and North American colonial powers. So, its development was impeded, and to this day––to this day––Haiti is still suffering because it stood up for human rights.
But, let’s get back to Bolívar. So it is that in 1815, after a failed assassination attempt on his person in Jamaica, where he had sought support for his war of liberation, without success, Simón Bolívar took refuge in Haiti. This was a time when Haiti inspired oppressed people around the world. Perhaps the newly independent country might be willing to allocate military and financial resources to other subjugated peoples and enable them to cast off the yoke of colonization. Bolívar met with Alexandre Pétion, the first President of Haiti, and it was Pétion who helped Bolívar understand that in order to secure victory over Spanish colonial power, the Libertador would have to release from bondage any enslaved people he would encounter on his campaigns for South American independence.
Simón Bolívar himself came from the powerful Mantuano class of land and slave owners, the Spanish equivalent to the creole whites in the French Antilles. A key factor of his 1813 failure in Venezuela lay in his lack of support among the majority of the population, six out of ten of whom were black and mulatto with about one-fifth Indian, along with some poor white laborers—the peones.
So, in their discussions, Alexandre Pétion offered Bolívar material, financial, and logistical support from newly independent Haiti on one condition: that he free all slaves. That is how emancipation and independence became inseparable, historical twins, a juncture that would forever change the face of the Americas. If we stop and think for a second, wouldn’t it appear obvious? If you want freedom, you must bring in emancipation. How could the two even be fought independently from each other? No emancipation, no freedom. It is not only a matter of moral coherence; it is also a basic requirement to shift the balance of power.
So, Bolívar agreed. He left Haiti on a military expedition to Venezuela in March of 1816. There, he was initially successful and abolished slavery on June 2 of that year. However, the victory was again short-lived. Soon, Bolívar was back in Haiti, once more asking Pétion for help. And Haiti did not let Simón Bolívar down. Haiti stood by the Libertador despite another defeat. It was only after that second trip that Bolívar and his allies finally set off on a string of victories, extending from 1817 to 1824, that successfully liberated parts of Spanish South America that would later become Gran Colombia.
So, we need to remember this day of solidarity and how it has shaped the very foundation of our hemisphere. It is a tale of resilience with liberation at its core, a story of resilient solidarity, and from this type of resilience all of us can draw a sense of purpose and strength.
Now, what if we were faced, in this generation, with a peculiar twist of history, a testing reversal of fate? What if the laisser pour compte, the new disenfranchised of this hemisphere called on us all––and I mean all of us here and those we represent––to set off on a new, multiyear expedition for freedom through emancipation.
Disenfranchisement is the new scourge of the world. Disenfranchisement is the new slavery. So, emancipation must, once again, be our new battle cry. I think it is high time we not tolerate disenfranchisement any more, like we shouldn’t have let slavery blot the flags of our continent.
Haitian women and men need their brothers and sisters from the Americas to support them on a new grand expedition, a new struggle of emancipation, a new process of empowerment, a new journey on the path of self-assertion and self-realization. Haiti, the whole nation of Haiti, is crying out to us, calling on us all to send reinforcements at this time in the form of a powerful inter-American synergy. The whole nation clamors for resilient solidarity, and this is no time to give up.
Clearly, Haitian women and men seek to bring their own perspectives, to find their own solutions. They struggle and strive to extricate themselves from the binding ties of international aid and dependency. Yes, they yearn to be recognized as credible, capable players in their own destiny, and not as perpetual scroungers. Resilient solidarity—resilience in the face of setbacks and temporary failures; standing together when it becomes difficult, holding fast the dream, the principles, the hope, even as everything looks like failure, especially when we feel the burning sting of failure––that’s the tale we need to remember. For through the blood and sweat of her main actors, the Haitian Revolution proved to the world that the human spirit could triumph over the most trying of ordeals, no matter how impossible victory may seem and because of those achievements, I do not flinch when I say that humanity owes Haiti a great debt for bequeathing the gift of freedom and emancipation to the world.
Y de la misma manera, el sueño panamericano de libertad, de paz, seguridad y prosperidad –principios fundamentales de la OEA– encuentra sus fuentes justo aquí, en Haití, donde desde el abismo de la esclavitud, la negritud fue la primera en plantar cara al destino y a la historia. Libertad, paz, seguridad, prosperidad. Quienes las disfrutan parecen olvidarlas, los que carecen de ellas saben muy bien lo mucho que significan, cada día.
If any one country of the Americas lives in utter precariousness and misery, the result is inevitable overspill. Under the most extreme poverty, some Haitians would do anything to flee the country. Wouldn’t you do the same? That is why millions of Haitian women and men are now scattered around the world. Our diaspora is everywhere. This can be a resource, and it also can be a problem. Everywhere refugees go, some of the problems may follow. The issues of Haiti could be said to extend as far and wide as the diaspora itself. Therefore, not fixing the problems in Haiti means extending their costs throughout the Hemisphere. But on the other hand positively fixing problems in Haiti means that situations will be avoided that save huge social tasks elsewhere in the Americas. Sound economics, sound solutions often go together, and the case of Haiti is highly symbolic and most telling of challenges faced elsewhere, albeit on a smaller scale in other countries of the Americas.
The problematic of extreme poverty, disempowerment, external and internalized oppression, bad governance, and sexual violence are present in Haiti and, yes, they are also present in some form or other in every country represented here, including the United States and Canada.
Because these problems are of a generic nature, simple logic would have this: working on problems in Haiti means working on problems at home; finding solutions in Haiti means finding solutions at home.
I often get asked: but what can we do? How can anything work in Haiti? Let me give you a concrete example. Before the earthquake––I would say from the day before––we had all the reasons to celebrate the formidable initiative I want to hold here as a powerful reminder of what can be done. It is a project in the Bel Air neighborhood of Port-au-Prince, implemented in partnership with Viva Rio, a Brazilian non-governmental organization, with an expertise developed in the favelas around Rio de Janeiro. The Bel Air project was conducted with the participation of several countries, including Brazil, Canada, Haiti, and Norway. The results, which I have witnessed, have simply been miraculous.
Initially, the Bel Air neighborhood of Port-au-Prince was a disaster, a complete disaster. Some 40 percent of the population had fled the area due to gangs, then de facto local rulers. Conditions were appalling. What was remarkable to me was this: on relatively short order, criminal organizations were dismantled for lack of recruitment fodder. One could, once again, safely walk the streets of Bel Air. The gangs were ousted often with the active participation of former gang members. Local people reclaimed their own space.
How was this done? Let’s start with some facts. The Bel Air project was able to:

  • provide drinking water to more than one hundred thousand people, covering 20 percent of the neighborhood’s need for clean drinking water,

  • create teams of youth to clean up the streets, put a solid waste management system into place, including more than 20 community toilets;

  • manufacture biogas from human waste enough to meet 20 percent of local energy needs;

  • cultivate trees for reforestation and even operate a tilapia fish farm;

  • improve the tangible living and environmental conditions of the area through jobs, training; and youth involvement.

And as if this wasn’t enough, the project fulfilled a number of educational missions including one on HIV/AIDS prevention.

Concretely, Viva Rio project also fosters street-level mediation skills; it helped institute a number of truces between the warring factions; it used arts and culture as tools for dialogue, which also proved tremendously useful to pacify youth gangs; it conducted training, it built infrastructure; it collected rainwater, it provided scholarships; it implemented joint projects with schools—the list goes on.
As a result, the profile of the neighborhood was completely transformed. Youth were empowered; most important, the project successfully untied shackles of fear in the minds of the population.
Now, what I find most fascinating is how this multifaceted, green, and people-driven project is completely endogenous to our hemisphere. The project was initially created to intervene in the popular quarters of Rio and then it translated formidably into positive, measureable impacts into the slums of Haiti.
There is something to muse on here, something in the methodology. I sense something unique to our hemispheric culture, something unique to us: que esa estrategia de ámbito general, con una gama tan amplia de aplicaciones prácticas, pudiera nacer y desarrollarse en América, dice algo sobre la riqueza de recursos y capacidad creadora de nuestro continente. Cuántos otros, tantos ejemplares de experimentos llevados a cabo en Paraguay, Chile, Nicaragua o México, pueden servir como modelos de medidas prácticas e innovadoras en Haití.
La OEA puede desempeñar el papel de catalizador, puede construir puentes, activar instancias de cooperación y facilitar inversiones en la gran familia de las Américas. Las relaciones en que todos los pueblos deben reforzarse y consolidarse mediante dinámicos acuerdos de cooperación. Hay una experiencia actual específica de América, una historia común, unos enfoques tan parecidos. En nuestra afinidad está nuestra fortaleza.
As a consequence, joint strategies, people-based strategies that often exist at the local level already can be pulled and pooled together from among us to solve our problems collectively. I believe the Americas is a space of meetings and alliances. Our societies have allowed mixing and intermingling to come alive like no other. We have shown countless times how capable we are of uniting our efforts beyond ideological disagreements. We need to find elements around which to confederate, to build new trailblazing partnerships on a hemispheric scale. When our problems are dire and dark, only solutions that are bolder and brighter will work.
Something very, very powerful also happens when we decide to allow projects to translate horizontally, especially as part of a South-South dynamic. So, from Brazilian favelas to the slums of Haiti, an expertise clearly of the Americas, from the Americas, was grown and then adapted to monumental success. I think this is because the project’s perspective was genuinely of the Americas, with roots grown within impoverished communities. The project’s DNA was native to this hemisphere, so it worked. More projects like this one can and must be supported: the more, the sooner, the better.
As an example, how about supporting technology transfers from Chile and Mexico, where efficient antiseismic building techniques have been developed. I cannot think of a better incubating space for fecund initiatives than the OAS, able as this organization is to take inventory, to negotiate agreements, and to provide concrete support.
This is all very wonderful, you may now be thinking to yourself. Some of you may ask pointedly: “Excuse me, Michaëlle Jean, but allow us a candid moment here. Can we look at the harsh reality of governance in Haiti?” I would be remiss if I did not address, before this distinguished audience, some of the most serious issues we face in Haiti now.
Let us face the reality that this path will not be an easy one. Things are not going well in Haiti; there is difficulty to form a government; the country still has no Prime Minister. The problem is acute. Despite the political struggle, I was pleased to see how much the last government continues to fulfill its responsibilities well past the call of duty, and I have seen President Michel Joseph Martelly really active and present on the ground, formulating policies and striving to move concrete actions forward.
Still, we could easily be discouraged, saying nothing can be done in Haiti, it’s not worth it, we can’t even find an interlocutor. Four months after the election of President Martelly, Haitian civil society is growing impatient to see the new Government steer the ship. As a simple indicator, as we speak, nongovernmental organizations have far more resources at their disposal than the whole state of Haiti. As things stand, there is no national coordination in the country, and this is unsustainable, this is unbearable, impossible.
Haiti must take its destiny back into its own hands, and this can only happen if the country succeeds in securing the means of implementing its own development policies. This can only happen if the newly elected President of the Republic of Haiti is allowed to form a government that will get to work and implement, for instance, his plan to welcome hundreds of thousands of students who still have no access to education in Haiti. Remember, there are 140 communes where you cannot find one single school. The new President of the Republic has, indeed, given the highest priority to providing universal education throughout the country.
UNESCO supports Haiti’s National Pact for Education, Haiti’s National Pact for Education. This plan lays the foundation for building an education system that is accessible, universal, and offers quality instruction. UNESCO is committed to supporting teacher training, which is the development of curricula, educational programs, and other content; good governance within the system; and up-to-date data collection, which is absolutely necessary to assess current needs. UNESCO is as keen as any to see Haiti with a strong, capable government, and as UNESCO’s Special Envoy for Haiti, my role and that of my organization is to provide support specifically designed to build capacity within the state of Haiti and among its citizens.
Haiti has designed a strategic plan on education and vocational training, including a plan of operation that is only waiting to be implemented. UNESCO also believes in the immense wealth of Haitian culture, in its remarkable historical heritage, both tangible and intangible, that underpins the distinctiveness, the unique force of Haitian identity. This constitutes real drivers for the reconstruction of Haiti, its social cohesiveness and its development.
So, it is my wager that we give more recognition people for, again, its capacity to create, to think, to invent, to imagine, to produce, and to reach beyond itself. The OAS must maintain its commitment to build and strengthen capacity, to stand alongside Haiti in this hour of great need. The Organization of American States will find here a challenge of fitting proportions. I can think of no better organization to take on this difficult task, and I feel very fortunate to be joining you as the Organization celebrates this month the 10th anniversary of the landmark Inter-American Democratic Charter, the first regional instrument to offer an integrated vision and mechanism for the consolidation and promotion of democracy.
Like all of us, I sometimes need to be reminded how potent the meaning of the words we use every day really is, because cynicism can creep up so easily, but as I read anew the Charter, as I let the words hit me with their full power, my mind open like a child’s, vulnerable again to their deepest unsullied, crystal-like substance, I am struck, really, by the sacredness of our mission and commitments.
What if we believed again every word, every single one of them, in its original, sacred intent? That is what I mean by purpose. It is a drive we feel inside when we let the ideals and the imperishable truths of our principles stand tall and mighty—perhaps even a little scary––within our hearts and minds.
Chapter III of the Inter-American Democratic Charter: Democracy, Integral Development and Combatting Poverty. Article 11: “Democracy and social and economic development are interdependent and are mutually reinforcing.” Article 12: “Poverty, illiteracy, and low levels of human development are factors that adverse the effect to consolidation of democracy.”
Please let me say this as humbly and as powerfully as I can: so much is at stake. Don’t let Haiti down, please. Stirred by a sense of the sacred mission of the Organization of American States, seeing what it can do for the most pressing, crying issues of our hemisphere, let us remember this: freedom from want and destitution is a precondition for hemispheric democracy, and no action is too small. We are one. Our hemisphere is only as good as its poorest member is faring.
This is not a crazy idea. What if Haiti became a ten-year priority of the OAS on the anniversary of the Inter-American Democratic Charter? Everywhere across the Americas novel, decentralized cooperation programs are thriving. To face hemisphere-wide problems, we need a hemispheric strategy. We need partner countries, multilateral projects. The kind of cooperation Haiti needs must rely on a higher purpose. We need to invest in the real capacities of Haiti.
I will say it over and over again: to innovate, to create, to build, we must help Haiti pull itself out of dependency; we need another logic, another way of doing things. We will not give up on Haiti. The cost to our economies, but worse to our souls, the very soul of our civilization would be unbearable.
So what else can the OAS do with Haiti and for Haiti?
Saludo los esfuerzos de muchos países de América. Tantos de ustedes han querido venir en ayuda de Haití porque son conscientes de que la estabilidad de Haití tendrá una repercusión positiva en el resto del Continente, y mediante la Misión de las Naciones Unidas para la Estabilización de Haití (MINUSTAH) muchos países de la OEA, como, por ejemplo, Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Canadá, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Grenada, Guatemala, Jamaica, Paraguay, Perú, Estados Unidos y Uruguay aportaron personal militar y policial para ayudar a hacer de Haití un país más seguro y estable. Todos están haciendo su aportación más allá de las ideologías. He visto estadounidenses y cubanos trabajando sobre el terreno.
La Organización de los Estados Americanos, mediante información y asistencia, puede contribuir a alcanzar un acuerdo político que refuerce el imperio de la ley en el país. Puedo dejar constancia de ello por los lazos culturales e históricos que compartimos y por las relaciones concretas con los consejeros procedentes de toda América, América Latina y el Caribe, que trabajan con gran eficacia en Haití, y también de los Estados Unidos y de Canadá.
The OAS should and can engage member countries from South and Central America, from the Caribbean, from North America, each with their own regional and national experience, towards supporting the country. And countries of the Americas are dealing with similar realities and share common experiences. Our expertise, strategies, and solutions can be pooled on a variety of issues: on land registry, agriculture, security, coast guard monitoring, land development, infrastructure and public works, community health, sustainable tourism, et cetera.
More concretely, and as suggestions, other short-term actions could be taken by the OAS. On issues of land registry, help sort out the mess with geolocation and map-making support, with proper technology and local training. On heritage protection, support historical sites of cultural value by helping restore access infrastructure and preserve significant cultural practices.
For example, in 1973, the OAS was involved in preliminary studies towards the protection, safeguarding, and restoration of the Palace of Sans-Souci, the buildings of Ramiers and, in particular, the Citadelle Laferrière. The National History Park in the commune of Milot is now a UNESCO World Heritage Site and a key driver of tourism in Haiti.
Y acabo de realizar una visita prolongada y exhaustiva a los sorprendentes monumentos históricos de arrebatadora belleza de este país en el que quedan por descubrir un gran número de maravillas. Debemos primero conocer y luego compartir todo lo que Haití tiene que ofrecer, valorar y desarrollar la suma total de sus múltiples posibilidades y de la inagotable capacidad creadora de su gente para, de esa manera, poner fin a la triste retahíla de desgracias que agobian a Haití.
On road building and maintenance I cannot over emphasize the importance of bringing the most basic infrastructure back to a functional working order. Physical transportation structures and facilities are an area where many vital projects can be supported.
On the anti-corruption front, the OAS can help implement best practices and stringent policies garnered from across the Continent.
On organized crime––more and more sophisticated––so much can be done with upstream projects, such as the Bel Air initiative, while downstream efforts are still needed in civic and law enforcement training.
On local farming recovery, the OAS can support proven, well-adapted solutions in consultation with local communities.
On water management, the time has never been riper for green innovations that save, reuse, and recycle water at every level.
On food security and self-sufficiency, mindful aid needs to be provided that always remembers that local capacity must be preserved and strengthened.
On youth training and education, the single most important component to the refoundation of Haiti is its youth, we know that. How we support the new generations to find their voice and use their energy for the common good will determine how the country evolves over the next decades.
On drugs and criminality, instability gives a free reign to criminal organizations. Drugs are transiting towards their markets through Haiti, and this is a major problem. I would like to make a plea for a continent-wide strategy to confront this affliction that pains the whole Hemisphere.
We can’t keep Haiti forever a sick patient on a drip. This has been going on for too long, and if we miss this opportunity, we will be facing a huge failure––and not that of Haiti, but our own. Our help to Haiti’s struggle is about us giving hand to pull the power of people from under the rocks. So many have been hurt, so much has been lost, yet the heart of Haiti’s resolve is still beating with ferocious vitality, and our job is to get the historic rubble, the heavy, oppressing load of pillage, corruption, and neglect, out of the way so the people of Haiti can start breathing again.
The time has come for major paradigm shift in Haiti. The time has come, and urgently so, for us to move past the logic of aid and handouts, dependency and near tutelage that has ruled this country over the last few decades towards a new logic—a logic of investment, a logic of partnership and accomplishment. Haiti can no longer suffer to be the lab rat of all experiments, of trial and error, of deficient strategies that have never produced anything viable, that have never given results of any durability. The future of Haiti can only come from sustained investments in the strengthening of human resources, in the building of institutional and governance capacities, in the expansion of knowledge and know-how, in the empowerment of civil society dynamics and, of course, in the creation of conditions favorable to the development of a national economy. If hope is the springboard for survival in Haitian culture, what people need, now more than ever, are the means and reasons for that hope.
Haitianos y haitianas no hablan de la reconstrucción de su país, hablan de la refundación de su país sobre unas bases sólidas mediante un plan que marque hitos y objetivos que alcanzar.
Resilience is not a quality we can leave to others as a saintly virtue. Resilience is ours to deliver and pass on. So, let us all take stock, take heart, find inspiration, and move together. Where should we put the emphasis? We need to change our modus operandi. The only condition is that the Haitian people regain the mastery of their own experience.
La única condición para nuestra labor es tener siempre presente la insistencia de Pétion en la emancipación para cualquier avance sobre el terreno. Haití no es una isla. Haití somos todos nosotros. Estamos con Haití. Moverse por Haiti es moverse por todos nosotros, juntos en una constante solidaridad. Yo sé que pueden ayudar y sé que ayudarán.
Je vous remercie infiniment.
Muito obrigada. Thank you. Gracias.

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